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MACEDONIA or
What I Did on My Summer Vacation, 1999 by
Janette Rainwater
August 1999 1
2 3
5
p.4
Bulgaria owned
all of Macedonia for a few months in 1878. Russia, after its victory
over the Turks, had forged a huge vassal state of Bulgaria from
territory of the crumbling Ottoman Empire. The British and the Austro-Hungarians
didnt fancy such a strong new state that might threaten their
interests in the Middle East and the Balkans, so Bismarck forced
a revision of the Treaty of San Stefano. In his Treaty of Berlin,
Bulgaria was considerably shrunk in size and most of Macedonia was
returned to the Turks. This was the beginning of the Bulgarian presumption
that Macedonians were really Bulgarians and that there was no such
thing as a separate Macedonian language. When Bulgaria recognized
Macedonia in 1991, it used a two country- one nation
formulation.
In the First Balkan War
of 1912 the three Orthodox Christian nations of Serbia, Bulgaria
and Greece joined forces to rescue their fellow Orthodox Macedonians
from the Turks. The next year Bulgaria made a pre-emptive strike
against Serbia to re-take Macedonia big mistake:
Greece joined Serbia to make mincemeat of the Bulgarian army and
carve up Macedonia. In the settlement following this Second Balkan
War Serbia got the largest part Vardar Macedonia (basically
present-day Macedonia). The Greeks took Aegean Macedonia including
the vital port of Thessaloniki. Bulgaria had to be content with
the much smaller portion of Pirin Macedonia.
During these two wars
there was major devastation of the territory of Macedonia and ethnic
cleansing carried out by Serbs, Albanians, Greeks , Turks
and Bulgarians that was more gruesome and more extensive than the
crimes committed in Bosnia and Kosovo in the current decade.
Serbia attempted
to absorb Macedonia, calling it South Serbia and ignored
any ethnic or linguistic differences. The Versailles Treaty confirmed
their possession of Vardar Macedonia. It was only Tito who was willing
to acknowledge a separate identity for Macedonians. His recognition
of Macedonia as one of the six republics of the new federation of
Yugoslavia and the detachment of its territory from Serbia were
part of Titos plan to curb the power of Serbia within the
new postwar state. Certain revanchist elements within Serbia have
remained unhappy about the loss of Macedonia. New Serbian
maps show the Prohor Pcinski monastery as lying within Serbia. Yet
in the former Yugoslavia the monastery was definitely within Macedonia.
It was also the site at which the future Macedonian republic was
declared in 1944. The Macedonian government has chosen not to make
an issue of this usurpation of territory, not wishing to give Milosevic
an excuse to come to the rescue of the minority Serb
population of northern Macedonia.
Greece, also,
has attempted to deny a separate identity to the Macedonians in
its north, referring to them as slavophone Greeks and
treating them as second-class citizens. In the Greek civil war that
followed World War II, many Greek Macedonians were encouraged by
Tito to support the insurgents. (Tito had visions of a larger Balkan
federation that would include all the lost Macedonian territories
including the prize port of Thessaloniki on the Aegean Sea.) The
insurgents lost, and the victors persecuted the rebels. Many Greek
Macedonians fled to Macedonia, Bulgaria and Uzbekistan.
When Macedonia declared
its independence, Greece refused to recognize the new country, declaring
that its name not only was the historical property of Greece (Philip
of Macedon and all that) but also revealed Macedonias designs
against Greek territory. Macedonias admission to the United
Nations was delayed until 1993 due to this Greek hysteria and then
only under the cumbersome name of Former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia (FYROM). In 1995 Greece and the FYROM signed
a treaty of recognition which ended Greeces two-year embargo
and re-established trade routes (probably at the insistence of Northern
Greek businesses who had been losing money).
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