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"Humanitarian
intervention" is the latest brand name for imperialism as it
begins a return to respectability
The
New Statesman
28th June 1999
By John Pilger
(this is the printer
friendly version)
In Newsweek last week Tony Blair described the "new moral crusade"
that is to follow NATO's attack on Yugoslavia. "We now have
a chance to build a new internationalism based on values and the
rule of law," he wrote. George Robertson was more blunt. The
"Rubicon has been crossed", he said, paving the way for
the end of the UN charter that protects the sovereignty of nations.
Robin Cook chimed in, making threats towards "governments using
aggression against their own people". The warning did not apply
to the government of Turkey, a NATO member, whose aggression against
its own people has left 3,000 Kurdish villages ethnically cleansed,
30,000 people dead and three million refugees. Atrocities committed
by the authorities in Indonesia, Israel, Colombia and other countries
where western "interests" are in safe hands will also
be exempt.
Those who recognize the
standard hypocrisy will easily translate the euphemisms. In these
days of political disorientation, translation is all important;
for imperialism is not part of the modern lexicon in the west. In
the best Stalinist tradition, it no longer exists. What western
power does is always benevolent. Blair can spout his breathtaking
drivel about internationalism and morality while zealously enforcing
genocidal sanctions that kill 4,000 Iraqi infants every month, and
the connection is seldom made. NATO's aggressive expansion into
eastern Europe, the Balkans and the oil-rich Caucasus, attended
by a $22 billion Anglo-American arms bazaar, is unworthy of mainstream
discussion.
This is understandable.
Since fascism expounded its notions of racial superiority, the imperial
"civilizing mission" has had a bad name. Since the end
of the cold war, however, the economic and political crises in the
developing world, precipitated by debt and the disarray of the liberation
movements, have served as retrospective justification for imperialism.
Although the word remains unspeakable, the old imperial project's
return journey to respectability has begun. New brand names have
been market tested. "Humanitarian intervention" is the
latest to satisfy the criterion of doing what you like where you
like, as long as you are strong enough. The killing or maiming of
10,000 innocent civilians in Serbia and Kosovo by a bombing machine
representing two-thirds of the world's military power and the clear
provocation of the "entirely predictable" Serb atrocities
- all of it avoidable, since Slobodan Milosevic had agreed in effect
to give up Kosovo six weeks before the bombing began - is called
a "moral victory". George Orwell could not better it.
The ideological climate
and disorientation among those on the liberal left, created by the
western powers' hijacking of "human rights", is especially
dangerous. The other day Mikhail Gorbachev sought to interrupt the
victory celebrations with a speech in which he warned that NATO's
assault on Yugoslavia had given impetus to a new global nuclear
arms race. He said: "Smaller countries - among them 31 'threshold'
states capable of developing nuclear weapons - are looking to their
own security with growing trepidation. They are thinking they must
have absolute weapons to be able to defend themselves, or to retaliate
if they are subjected to similar treatment."
Under Blair's "internationalism"
any country can be declared a "rogue state" and attacked
by the US and Britain, with or without NATO. Read the NATO and US
planning literature; it is all on the record. There is a Pentagon
strategy called "offensive counter-proliferation", which
means that, if the Americans cannot prevent a "rogue"
country developing and building types of weapons of which they disapprove,
they may well nuke it. North Korea is a likely candidate, allowing
Washington to settle a historical score. The Russians fully understand
the dangers. The defence ministry in Moscow has already announced
plans to deploy new tactical nuclear weapons near Russia's western
border. Russia's National Security Council has quietly dropped its
long-standing doctrine of "no first use" of nuclear weapons.
In the US, Clinton has sent to Congress a nuclear weapons rebuilding
programme unmatched since the early Reagan years. If we are to speak
of truly "rogue" powers, the US leads the pack.
Blair's reference to
the new "rule of law" is quite obscene. One of the world's
nuclear flashpoints is the Indian subcontinent, where India and
Pakistan, both nuclear powers, are on the edge of all-out war over
Kashmir. In the first year after coming to power, Blair and his
government approved 500 licences for the export of weapons to the
two countries - they also approved 92 licences for arms shipments
to the Indonesian military, which is currently arming and training
death squads to prevent East Timor achieving its independence.
New Labour's fake internationalism
is part of "economic globalisation", a project as old
as gunboats. The gathering assault on the principle of the sovereignty
of nations, however, marks a new phase in the global war against
democracy. Blair, essentially an opportunist, and his spinners trust
that his cold-war-style belligerence will invoke the Thatcher factor
and ensure him a long reign. There are important differences. In
the midst of the 1982 Falklands war, Thatcher did well in local
elections. In striking contrast, Blair has just been crushed in
the Euro elections by a lame-duck Tory leader. More significant,
Labour voters stayed at home in record numbers, just as they did
in the Scottish and Welsh devolutionary polls. They are not apathetic,
as reported. They are on to him at last; and their growing awareness
is crucial as he aspires to lead us across the Rubicon.
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